Real Man Of Azerbaijan 8

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  • By RFE/RL's Azerbaijani Service

BAKU -- Police in the Azerbaijani capital, Baku, detained several women and men taking part in a rally by the Feminist Movement of Azerbaijan (AFH) before taking them to a remote area far from the capital and releasing them.
Rabbiya Mammadova, an AFH activist, told RFE/RL that police used force and violence when detaining the activists and their supporters during an International Women's Day gathering on March 8, saying that one of the activists sustained a head injury while being taken into custody.


The activists then rallied in front of the Sabail district police department, where the detainees were taken, demanding their immediate release.
The detained activists and supporters of the movement were then taken from Baku to a remote area in the district of Qobustan outside the capital where they were left, according to AFH chief Gulnara Mehdiyeva.
Despite attempts by police to disrupt the action, dozens of AFH activists and their supporters managed to continue their Streets Are Free For Us march through Baku chanting slogans such as, 'Women Unite!' 'Break Your Silence,' 'Get Up!,' and 'Don’t Be Scared Of Your Freedom!', Mehdiyeva said.

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Azeri President Ilham Aliyev attends a meeting with his Belarussian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko in Minsk, Belarus November 19, 2018. REUTERS/Vasily Fedosenko

Whilemany countries are scrambling to protect the public from COVID-19, authoritiesin Azerbaijan are using the virus as a pretext to continue their harassment ofopposition groups like the D18 Movement (D18).

OnMarch 8, Azerbaijani journalist Tezekhan Mirelemli started live broadcasting from D18’s Bakuoffice as police officers ordered the office closed, saying that the activistscould not “gather en masse” due to fears of spreading the novel coronavirus.There were only four people in the office at the time and officers refused to provide acourt order or other documentation for the closure.

Thisis nothing new for Azerbaijan. As elections approached in February, policedetained opposition leaders in Baku— including D18’s leader Ruslan Izzatli—drove them hours outside of town,and left them in the middle of nowhere. Izzatli, who was himself running forparliament when he was detained, is threatening to sue the interior ministry.

AlexRafouglu, an Azerbaijani-American journalist who also serves as Amnesty USA’scountry specialist on Azerbaijan and Georgia told me that “it looks like thegovernment is trying to take personal revenge and using every opportunity,including disasters like coronavirus, to silence these critics.”

Takingadvantage of a deadly global pandemic to harass opposition groups may seem likeblatant opportunism—and it is—but it’s also ordinary behavior for the Azerbaijanigovernment. In 2014, the opposition Popular Front party accused the governmentof causing anexplosionin their office. The government denied the accusations, and quickly moved todemolish the building on grounds that it wasn’t safe.

“It’sreally cheap and easy to go after a group like D18, especially under the guiseof public health. They can probably go after them like this without facing abig public backlash,” Elspeth Suthers, a senior program officer for Eurasia atthe National Endowment for Democracy, told me.

Azerbaijan’sgovernment has increasingly been flexing its authoritarian muscles as civilsociety and political groups like D18 try to increase civic and politicalparticipation in the country. “An organization like D18 is well positioned tohelp young people make the transition from…cleaning up beaches, to thinkingabout voting rights and observing elections and maybe even running for officeone day,” Suthers said. “That would put them on the government’s radar as apotential threat.”

Theworld is grappling with a global crisis, and public trust in government iscritical to public health tactics like self-isolation. Individualresponsibility is proving to be critical for mitigating the virus, especiallyin countries where the pandemic is still in the early stages of spreading.People must be able to trust that when their government and health expertsadvise them to take certain precautions, the authorities have the bestinterests of the public in mind and take the threat seriously. If people doubtwhat they hear or do not take it seriously, they are far more likely to takeunnecessary risks and make the pandemic worse.

So far, Azerbaijan only has thirty-four cases of COVID-19 confirmed, but the government is squandering what little credibility it has. If Baku starts to see the same levels of transmission in other world capitals, they will have to start minimizing public gatherings, closing restaurants, and asking people to quarantine themselves. What happens if Azerbaijanis interpret public health decrees from their government as just another meaningless political tool, or assume ulterior motives?

Tosome, trust in government has been eroded by acts like the D18 office shutdown.“I think everyone following this story understands that if you’re trying toshut down public gatherings and offices to fight coronavirus, why would you goafter one specific opposition group?” asks Raufoglu. “When government officesand schools are still open, that is not consistent with your policy and yourmessaging.”

AzerbaijaniPresident Ilham Aliyev still maintains his grip over the country despite acascade of threats to his legitimacy—accusations of paying off Europeanpoliticians with a slush fund, vocalinternational criticism of its sham elections last month, and now a tumblingeconomy as the Russia-SaudiArabia oil standoffplunges prices. As an authoritarian ruler, Aliyev will likely weather thestorm. The coronavirus pandemic, however, is showing just how reliant we are onthe actions of each government. What happens in one place affects us all. If anunmitigated outbreak occurs in Azerbaijan, it will not stay in Azerbaijan.

Forits own good, the global community needs to act in defense of Azerbaijanis,first by calling out what is happening in Baku but then by going further.

Groups like D18 are pushing for an Azerbaijan that is more open and inclusive. They want Azerbaijan’s government to move past the corrupt post-Soviet shell Aliyev is trying to preserve—and at a time when the world faces a global pandemic, Soviet-style opaqueness and unnecessary harassment only makes people more likely to ignore critical public health recommendations.

On March 19, Aliyev openly threatened to “isolate” his political enemies during this crisis. “A state of emergency might be declared sometime,” he said in a statement. “In this case, isolation of the representatives of this fifth column will become a historical necessity… We cannot allow the anti-Azerbaijani forces, the fifth column, national traitors, taking advantage of this situation, to commit any provocation.” The world’s attention is focused on combating COVID-19 right now, but the way authoritarians use the crisis to consolidate power cannot be ignored.

TheCOVID-19 crisis presents a chance for the international community to make theconnection between human rights and the hard realities of internationalrelations. If the international community cannot call out human rights abuse inAzerbaijan when the only victims are Azerbaijani, maybe the global nature ofthis pandemic is the push it needs to find its voice.

Doug Klain is a program assistant at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. Find him on Twitter @DougKlain.

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